Zimbabwe: No Land for Whites

[Kefka]

y his subordinate, Flora Buka, the Minister of State for Special Affairs Responsible for Land, Land Reform and Resettlement, who a fortnight ago told an agricultural conference in South Africa that the government was considering allocating land to former white farmers. "As regards white commercial farmers, there are some who have indicated that they would want to continue farming," Buka said. "Their applications are being considered. If they are willing to stay, that is also going to be considered. Also, the amount of land they have is also going to be considered."

Mutasa's declarations are also inconsistent with the recent actions of his own ministry, which earlier this year invited white farmers to apply for offer letters.
The Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU), which represents the interests of mainly Zimbabwe's white commercial farmers, said between 900 and 1 000 farmers have applied for A2 farms since government embarked on the "fast track" land reform programme in 2000.

Prospects for white farmers' return to the land looked even bleaker last week as farmer groups reported that ZANU PF loyalists had forced more than 100 farmers to cancel their harvesting and cropping, with the start of the summer planting season looming.The CFU said the government was aware of the situation on the ground as the union constantly engaged the authorities to map out a way forward and restore sanity to the sector, once the economy's backbone. "We are constantly in negotiations with all stakeholders and we are in the process of developing a recovery programme. We have also engaged the international community of which some are willing to pledge support if the situation calms down," a CFU official said.

If passed, a pending Land Bill, which is still before the senate, could see most of the white farmers facing criminal charges punishable either by a fine, a custodial sentence of up to two years or both.

Zimbabwe defends the land seizures as necessary to correct a historical imbalance that reserved the best land for whites while cramping blacks on poor, sandy soils. But critics blame a large part of the severe food shortages seen over the past six years on the chaotic manner of the government's land redistribution exercise.

y his subordinate, Flora Buka, the Minister of State for Special Affairs Responsible for Land, Land Reform and Resettlement, who a fortnight ago told an agricultural conference in South Africa that the government was considering allocating land to former white farmers. "As regards white commercial farmers, there are some who have indicated that they would want to continue farming," Buka said. "Their applications are being considered. If they are willing to stay, that is also going to be considered. Also, the amount of land they have is also going to be considered."

Mutasa's declarations are also inconsistent with the recent actions of his own ministry, which earlier this year invited white farmers to apply for offer letters.
The Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU), which represents the interests of mainly Zimbabwe's white commercial farmers, said between 900 and 1 000 farmers have applied for A2 farms since government embarked on the "fast track" land reform programme in 2000.

Prospects for white farmers' return to the land looked even bleaker last week as farmer groups reported that ZANU PF loyalists had forced more than 100 farmers to cancel their harvesting and cropping, with the start of the summer planting season looming.The CFU said the government was aware of the situation on the ground as the union constantly engaged the authorities to map out a way forward and restore sanity to the sector, once the economy's backbone. "We are constantly in negotiations with all stakeholders and we are in the process of developing a recovery programme. We have also engaged the international community of which some are willing to pledge support if the situation calms down," a CFU official said.

If passed, a pending Land Bill, which is still before the senate, could see most of the white farmers facing criminal charges punishable either by a fine, a custodial sentence of up to two years or both.

Zimbabwe defends the land seizures as necessary to correct a historical imbalance that reserved the best land for whites while cramping blacks on poor, sandy soils. But critics blame a large part of the severe food shortages seen over the past six years on the chaotic manner of the government's land redistribution exercise.

http://zimbabwesituation.com/oct27_2006.html#Z10

OMG racism. Unfortunately, its a white boy and not a darky who is being so terribly sinned against. Therefor, please ignore this thread, comrade sheep.

 

[SaintLucifer]

y his subordinate, Flora Buka, the Minister of State for Special Affairs Responsible for Land, Land Reform and Resettlement, who a fortnight ago told an agricultural conference in South Africa that the government was considering allocating land to former white farmers. "As regards white commercial farmers, there are some who have indicated that they would want to continue farming," Buka said. "Their applications are being considered. If they are willing to stay, that is also going to be considered. Also, the amount of land they have is also going to be considered."

Mutasa's declarations are also inconsistent with the recent actions of his own ministry, which earlier this year invited white farmers to apply for offer letters.
The Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU), which represents the interests of mainly Zimbabwe's white commercial farmers, said between 900 and 1 000 farmers have applied for A2 farms since government embarked on the "fast track" land reform programme in 2000.

Prospects for white farmers' return to the land looked even bleaker last week as farmer groups reported that ZANU PF loyalists had forced more than 100 farmers to cancel their harvesting and cropping, with the start of the summer planting season looming.The CFU said the government was aware of the situation on the ground as the union constantly engaged the authorities to map out a way forward and restore sanity to the sector, once the economy's backbone. "We are constantly in negotiations with all stakeholders and we are in the process of developing a recovery programme. We have also engaged the international community of which some are willing to pledge support if the situation calms down," a CFU official said.

If passed, a pending Land Bill, which is still before the senate, could see most of the white farmers facing criminal charges punishable either by a fine, a custodial sentence of up to two years or both.

Zimbabwe defends the land seizures as necessary to correct a historical imbalance that reserved the best land for whites while cramping blacks on poor, sandy soils. But critics blame a large part of the severe food shortages seen over the past six years on the chaotic manner of the government's land redistribution exercise.

y his subordinate, Flora Buka, the Minister of State for Special Affairs Responsible for Land, Land Reform and Resettlement, who a fortnight ago told an agricultural conference in South Africa that the government was considering allocating land to former white farmers. "As regards white commercial farmers, there are some who have indicated that they would want to continue farming," Buka said. "Their applications are being considered. If they are willing to stay, that is also going to be considered. Also, the amount of land they have is also going to be considered."

Mutasa's declarations are also inconsistent with the recent actions of his own ministry, which earlier this year invited white farmers to apply for offer letters.
The Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU), which represents the interests of mainly Zimbabwe's white commercial farmers, said between 900 and 1 000 farmers have applied for A2 farms since government embarked on the "fast track" land reform programme in 2000.

Prospects for white farmers' return to the land looked even bleaker last week as farmer groups reported that ZANU PF loyalists had forced more than 100 farmers to cancel their harvesting and cropping, with the start of the summer planting season looming.The CFU said the government was aware of the situation on the ground as the union constantly engaged the authorities to map out a way forward and restore sanity to the sector, once the economy's backbone. "We are constantly in negotiations with all stakeholders and we are in the process of developing a recovery programme. We have also engaged the international community of which some are willing to pledge support if the situation calms down," a CFU official said.

If passed, a pending Land Bill, which is still before the senate, could see most of the white farmers facing criminal charges punishable either by a fine, a custodial sentence of up to two years or both.

Zimbabwe defends the land seizures as necessary to correct a historical imbalance that reserved the best land for whites while cramping blacks on poor, sandy soils. But critics blame a large part of the severe food shortages seen over the past six years on the chaotic manner of the government's land redistribution exercise.

http://zimbabwesituation.com/oct27_2006.html#Z10

OMG racism. Unfortunately, its a white boy and not a darky who is being so terribly sinned against. Therefor, please ignore this thread, comrade sheep.

I would suggest you read the following:

Whites Who Bleed - State murder in Zimbabwe - farms taken away from white farmers

National Review, May 22, 2000 by John O'Sullivan

A TRUCK pulls up in an African village in Zimbabwe and out jump black "veterans" of the 1970s Rhodesian civil war, all coincidentally supporters of President Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party. Armed with automatic weapons and studded clubs, they spread through the huts looking for leaflets, banners, or other evidence of opposition-party loyalties. When they find it, they beat up the unfortunate dissidents, burning some, raping others, murdering the supposed ringleaders, letting some escape in the general mayhem.

Hours later in a New York television studio or print newsroom, an analyst explains these scenes as a regrettable abuse of human rights, of course, but in part an understandable response to the seizure of African land by white farmers several generations ago, and anyway terribly complicated, something to do with decades of entrenched hatreds, like Yugoslavia.

Pity the poor liberal American journalist. In his carefully objective way, he is so used to stories arriving in the already packaged form of a liberal psychodrama-oppressors, usually white and male; victims, generally black or brown; historical causation, centuries of racial and/or colonial oppression-that when one comes along outside this framework, he is reduced to a wary puzzlement.

In Zimbabwe the first victims of Mugabe's pogroms seemed to be the white tobacco farmers. White tobacco farmers! Merchants of cancer? Surely they couldn't be victims simply because they were being attacked and killed. Victimhood should not come that cheap. One was reminded of the exchange in the television sitcom Yes, Prime Minister when Sir Humphrey was seeking to persuade Jim Hacker not to give a bishopric to a moderately conservative clergyman:

"And then he's against oppression in Africa."

"But we're against that too."

"Yes, but he's against it when it's carried out by black governments as well as white ones."

"Oh, you mean he's a racist."

"Exactly, prime minister."

It was with some relief that reporters discovered that most of the victims of the gangs roaming through the Zim babwean bush were black farm workers. These promptly became the "real" victims of Mugabe. In an otherwise admirably hardheaded column in the London Times-coverage in the British press has been both more extensive and more considered than that in the American media-Simon Jenkins argued that to concentrate attention on the white farmers was "racist" since they were just Zimbabweans with white skins.

To be sure, black farm workers are the more numerous victims of the current attacks. Unlike white farmers, many of whom were born in Britain or have some sort of claim to British passports, they have "nowhere else to go" as a way of escaping Mugabe. We should realize that arranging relief flights and aid packages will do them no good at all. The only way to help them is either to get rid of Mugabe altogether or to limit his power to wreak violence on his people. Neither solution seems readily available soon.

But that should not be an excuse for failing to help the dictator's white victims in the meantime. Even white tobacco farmers can reasonably plead that "if you prick us, do we not bleed?"

One might argue, of course, that the failure of Western governments and the Western media to highlight or denounce Mugabe's pogroms in the early '80s against Matabele villages that supported his rival Joshua Nkomo showed a racist unconcern with black lives. Several thousand opposition supporters were then killed by Mugabe's government with the fraternal assistance of the North Korean army. But was racism really the reason that the West overlooked it? Surely it was a blinkered leftist desire not to give aid and comfort to white South Africa by legitimizing its fears that black government would be dictatorial, kleptocratic, and genocidal. As long as apartheid existed, the West took Sir Humphrey's view that to oppose black oppression as well as white in Africa was, ahem, "racist." The technical term for such a bias is "anti-racism," which is a variety of racism rather than a rejection of it.

What about the beleaguered white farmers? What, for example, is their importance to Zimbabwe? They provide 40 percent of the country's exports; and 23 percent of developed land produces two-thirds of the country's food. Most observers agree that agricultural exports and productivity would suffer greatly if, under "land reform," the economically productive farms (owned by whites) were divided up into small holdings and distributed to their farm workers.

Why is that an irrelevant consideration? Easy: The farms are not going to be divided up into small holdings, but distributed intact to friends and political allies of President Mugabe-and to the president himself who, as Simon Jenkins has written, is so lacking in embarrassment that he even "wins" the state lottery. The present crisis is not about land reform but about political power. Mugabe is seeking both to intimidate his political opponents-some white farmers and many farm workers support the opposition-and to create a political issue that will win him support in the forthcoming election: namely, a racially tinged campaign to "restore" white-owned property to the veterans of a civil war that ended 20 years ago. Many of the "veterans," of course, are too young to have fought in the war.

Murder attacks on Zimbabwe farmers continue

Misanet / The Standard, 5 December

Don Stewart, a commercial farmer was strangled and burnt to death last week during an attack on his farm homestead in Norton, outside Zimbabwe's capital Harare. Sources said Mr Stewart (68), was set on fire early in the morning last week while sleeping in his bedroom at his "tightly-guarded homestead". He was one of the last 300 white commercial farmers left in Zimbabwe.

Sources told 'The Standard' the assailants had failed to penetrate the barred windows and reinforced doors of his homestead on the dairy farm and gained entrance through the roof. The farmer, according to the same sources, was beaten and strangled by intruders before being burnt in a pile of petrol-soaked mattresses.

"The intruders took only a .303 rifle, which is very suspicious," said one of the sources, suggesting that the murder might be political. Officers from Dzivarasekwa police station outside Harare confirmed the reports but could not give more details.

John Worsley-Worswick, the chief executive of Justice for Agriculture Trust, a Zimbabwean pressure group, said: "We are appalled at the cold-blooded murder of yet another of Zimbabwe's few remaining productive commercial farmers."

At the height of the farm invasions, a group of squatters invaded the farm forcing the Stewarts to reduce their dairy herd from more than 200 to about 60, and also to scale down the amount of land under cultivation.

Mr Stewart was one of a handful of white commercial farmers left in a district that in 2000 was important for producing cattle, tobacco and food. Out of about 4,000 white farmers living in Zimbabwe at that time, only about 300 are believed to be still on their land.

An estimated 18 white commercial farmers have been murdered since 2000, when President Robert Mugabe gave the nod to violent farm invasions to drive whites from their land. The farm invasions were said to be a redistribution of productive land from white colonialists to Zimbabwe's landless poor, but are known to mainly have favoured President Mugabe's followers.

By staff writers

© The Standard / afrol News

As a result of the above, Zimbabwe was booted from the British Commonwealth of Nations. Rightfully so, although I would have taken it a step further and sent in the British military to overthrow Mugabe and his henchmen. I would have followed this with summary executions of anyone who participated in the killings of the white famers and their compatriots.

Where was the world when so many white farmers were killed? The very same world sure cried out loud when South Africa was under Boer rule and apartheid. Yet the whites did not capture blacks and kill them in like manner the way Mugabe's henchmen did in Zimbabwe. Is the world run by commie pinko-liberal scum? Did you not see where Mugabe received the support of North Korean soldiers? That alone would tell anyone what kind of man he was. I still wonder at the world's silence.